A three-day visit to Bangladesh by President Pranab Mukherjee comes at a suspenseful moment and unambiguously situates India on the side of justice and fairness. Bangladesh is in the throes of a massive social upheaval, symbolised by the spirit of Shahbagh – a neighbourhood in Dhaka that is being likened to Egypt’s Tahrir Square – where thousands of youth are marching to demand punishment of Islamist fundamentalists and their minders in the Pakistani military who committed genocide during the liberation war of 1971.
Mukherjee is himself a Bengali and was actively engaged – as an emissary of the Indira Gandhi-led government – in canvassing for Bangladesh’s independence in European capitals in the fateful months before East Pakistan broke away from its oppressive western wing. As the war crimes tribunal set up by Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina seeks to exorcise the ghosts of the 1971 war, her government is also bestowing a Liberation War Award on Mukherjee in remembrance of his aid in the formation of Bangladesh.
Tensions over history and truth have reached an all-time peak in Bangladesh, with counter-mobilisations and terrorist attacks by the Jamaat-e-Islami and its offshoots claiming dozens of lives. In this epic struggle for the nation’s soul, the hopeful tide of Shahbagh – which represents spontaneous non-violent mass movements that desire religious harmony and tolerance – is facing armed Jamaat provocateurs and their terrorist allies intent on destabilising the whole country.
It is a no-brainer that secular India, which has been a victim of terrorism emanating from Islamist outfits based in Bangladesh, is firmly on the side of the Shahbagh vigil keepers. The president of India has a low-key but significant role to play as a promoter of India’s national interests abroad. As a nominal head of state, there are limits to his capabilities as a conductor of diplomacy. Yet, he can be a force multiplier of our foreign policy who can be deputed on sensitive international missions to carry powerful messages to the world at large.
That Mukherjee is undertaking his very first overseas tour to Bangladesh is noteworthy, given his own past association with its liberation struggle, and the Indian security establishment’s high stakes in the current imbroglio there. An experienced trouble-shooter who used to be frequently dispatched to douse domestic turbulence across India when he was a politician, Mukherjee has the linguistic as well as diplomatic skills to be useful in strengthening Hasina’s hand. A morale booster coming from the head of state of South Asia’s premier power, India, is a valuable asset for a regime that faces blackmail from Islamist terrorists.
New Delhi has often indicated that it prefers the moderate Islamic strain represented by Hasina’s Awami League, which is pressing forward with the war crimes reckoning process. On a broader people-to-people level, Indians are in solidarity with the Bangladeshi masses who are plunging into new forms of protest politics to rid their nation of vicious fundamentalism, anti-minority violence and a culture of cover-ups of grave crimes committed by Islamic hardliners.
While our tilt in favour of the mass outpouring in Shahbagh and the war crimes tribunal is a given, New Delhi is sensitive about preventing anti-India sentiments from becoming mainstreamed in Bangladesh. Last October, we hosted the leader of Bangladesh’s opposition, Khaleda Zia, who got an audience with President Mukherjee himself. This happened despite our distaste for her coalition ally, the Jamaat, and our fears of the ‘Talibanisation’ of Bangladesh if religious parties take power.
A singular pattern of politics has emerged in South Asia, wherein if India is sympathetic to one major party, then its opponents adopt a default anti-India stance, and vice versa. To break this vicious cycle and escape the label of a South Asian ‘big brother’ that always sides with one camp, we need to open channels to build assets across party lines.
The day when all principal political parties and movements in Nepal, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Maldives and Afghanistan consider India their friend will be when New Delhi can act more confidently. But to reach that stage, we have to continue engaging with extreme rightist or leftist forces who may win elections one day and potentially pose a serious problem on one of our borders.
The Jamaat in Bangladesh may be too invested in hatred for India and what it represents; it is a tall order for us to reach an understanding with fanatics. But New Delhi must assiduously confer with Zia’s Bangladesh National Party (BNP) so that we cover all eventualities. The cancellation of her meeting with President Mukherjee during his present visit could be interpreted as a snub and a signal that India must devote extra attention to and develop sustained dialogue with the BNP.
A centrist political evolution is our best-case scenario, but preparing for worst-case outcomes is the crux of diplomacy. As Bangladesh hurtles towards general elections amidst a furore over alleged ‘persecution’ of the Jamaat, New Delhi must do the groundwork to ensure that whoever wins will be friendly towards us.
That remains the great challenge and ideal scenario for our subcontinental policymaking. The seasoned master craftsman of compromises, President Mukherjee can proactively lend a hand in this endeavour.
The writer is dean, Jindal School of International Affairs.
Source: Times of India
