The Article 370 face-off

The BJP led dispensation has got to work. However, no sooner had ministers taken up positions and oaths administered, that certain individuals raked up a couple of points that are proving extremely contentious.

First, Jitendra Singh, who is part of the PMO as minister of state, decided to openly state his party’s (and a lot of mainland India’s to be fair to him) stance on Article 370 of the Indian Constitution that grants fairly broad autonomy to the state of Jammu and Kashmir. Critics will scoff at the idea of J&K being autonomous, and that is an entirely different discussion. The special status of J&K is enshrined in law. And it is this law that the BJP wants debated, and in an ideal BJP world, repealed, thus bringing J&K completely under the Indian fold.

Reactions to such a thought, as expected, ranged from shrill belligerence to outrageous rancour. The current chief minister of J&K, Omar Abdullah, who is as much a prince-ling in his home state as Rahul Gandhi, one of his closest mates, is in India, tweeted in response: “Mark my words and save this tweet – long after Modi Govt is a distant memory either J&K won’t be a part of India or Art 370 will still exist.” Expectedly, Modi fans came out in droves to defend their man, the country, its borders and integrity. And then called for a renewed debate.

Mehbooba Mufti, leader of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), the opposition in J&K added her thoughts: “It is an established fact that Art 370 has acquired a permanent status in the Constitution of India, it is not advisable even to open a debate on it keeping in view its crucial nature in the relationship between the state and the union.”

What complicates the situation is that Mufti is a BJP ally. She is at once loathe to push the wrong buttons on a man as allegedly authoritarian as Modi, but any support for the abrogation of Article 370 would leave her, and her party, in tatters in the Valley where anti-India sentiment is widespread. Omar Abdullah couldn’t help himself and had to take a swipe at Mufti. He reached out for his twitter and tweeted: “What is the PDP getting agitated about? They were the ones who worked to benefit the BJP in the state with the tacit understanding.”

So while Mufti frets, and Omar twits, tweets, chit chats, the rest of the nation has rallied behind the BJP and supported the idea of a debate on the validity of an article that critics and historians say was a temporary measure, and in no way meant to be enshrined into eternity. Expect more fireworks and fiery words from J&K in the coming months.

No sooner had the embers dimmed in the Article 370 issue that the BJP made another subtle, but hugely more significant move. The previous government at the centre was, as has been established, quite fond of making laws. Laws to supercede other laws, and then yet another law that overrode the law that came before it. And it was still the most paralysed parliament we have had in decades. Go figure.

Along with the Rights to Employment (MNREGA), education (RTE), information (RTI), and myriad others like including Jats in the OBC quota and Jains in the minority segment, the Congress-led UPA had another wonderful law lurking – The Prevention of Communal and Targeted Violence (Access to Justice and Reparations) Bill 2013. Put simply, the bill is a move to curb communal violence and murder instigated by, well, communalism. A noble effort which is doomed to failure say its supporters, a harebrained ghettoisation of Indians based on religious lines according to detractors.

The opposition, which is now formed (in the lower house at least), of “secular” parties should see the Congress lead the way in stridently demanding its passing as the need of the hour. The BJP, quite rightly, shall dig in its heels to ensure this bill never sees the light of day, says a BJP source considered close to the party leadership. He went on to say: “The bill represents the Congress way of doing politics. They use the British system of divide and conquer, and will continue doing that since they have no original politics as seen in their tenure”.

India is a nation of laws. We have laws for everything that a layman can think of, and laws that most people wouldn’t even wonder about. And then we make new laws. Take the horrific gang rape in New Delhi in 2012. The nation seethed with anger and poured out to storm the roads that lead to Raisina Hill (which leads to the Presidents House). The government (UPA) hemmed, hawed, ignored them until it could do so no more, and in its wisdom decided to include capital punishment for gang rape under certain circumstances. Voices raised in incredulity then were targeted as sexist despite them pointing out that criminal sections of the Indian Penal Code already had sufficient punishments for the crime within. The issue was implementation of the law. The selective application of existing laws by a demoralised and highly politicised police force was the issue. Instead of attempting law enforcement and investigative reform, the government decided to give police even wider ranging powers that they could now misuse, or just ignore.

The Congress led UPA could therefore be summed up by the saying, “Makes laws not war.” Or perhaps, like the BJP worker laughingly said, “Make laws and be merry.”

Narendra Modi, intrigue is thy name. The nation looks forward to your next move.