National Citizen Party: The new kids on the political block

The new kids on the political block have a name: the National Citizen Party (NCP). After some test runs under the banners of Students Against Discrimination and Jatiya Nagorik Committee, the NCP represents “July’s People” who ousted an authoritarian regime through a people’s uprising. Thus, Generation Z’s youthful exuberance translates into political power. However, history tells us that uprisings and revolutions are only the easy part; governing is the real challenge. The interim government includes three (minus one) student leaders who, I am sure, will attest to this truism.

NCP’s emergence as a political entity promises change. If guided properly, the party can bring in a reformed democracy, ending years of political stagnation. For a country yet to properly earn the guiding principles of the Liberation War—equality, social justice, and human dignity—even after nearly 54 years of its independence, there is an overwhelming disillusionment with traditional political forces. The societal and cultural fault lines are responsible for occasional tremors. The eruption of July 2024 is symptomatic of a deep-rooted molten anxiety. Reconciliation and national unity are crucial, requiring negotiation of the contested narratives of identity, history, and ideology. Whether the NCP will look for national healing is not clear at this point.

Sarjis Alam, one of the chief organisers of NCP, asserts that their party aims to emphasise “citizenship” that transcends the limitations of being a Bangalee or Bangladeshi. This stated centric position, which they call pro-Bangladeshi, is vague and warrants further elaboration. The party grew out of the rejection of the established culture that conceptualises political loyalty as an allegiance to one of the dynasties that has a male heroic figure at its pivot. The “Bangalee” and “Bangladeshi” discourses are credited to two iconic male figures. Despite being ruled by female leaders, the country has never been able to transcend the legacies of its patriarchs. More than three decades of premiership held by female figures as symbolic heirs have not presented women as transformative figures. Even the head of the interim government, known for his efforts in women’s empowerment through microfinancing programmes, has struggled to create a substantial space for women in Bangladesh 2.0.

The composition of NCP is no different. The euphoria of July’s achievements has started to wane as the harsh realities of politics have surfaced. The unity of the students is fractured by ideological rifts, political rivalries, and allegations of corruption. The new party has strategically detached itself from its rightist members, but not without suspicion. The common perception is that in the forthcoming national election, they might complement one another.

NCP and its allies came together through their opposition to a common adversary: the fallen regime of Awami League. The absence or shadowy presence of the deposed leadership has made ideological rifts within the orbit of the party both visible and pronounced. Different factions with varied political philosophies are now fighting for influence. For some, radical reforms are the logical consequence of an uprising. Others push for a rather moderate and incremental approach. All eyes will be on the NCP to see if our young ones have the ability to maintain solidarity and navigate the country’s complex political landscape as well as the international spheres of influence.

Another challenge for the NCP is its perceived association with the interim government. The established political parties, who have been running the oppositional marathon race for decades, find the NCP as the last runner to finish the race with their baton. The glory for NCP thus overshadows their long-anticipated political comeback. The atmosphere is a breeding ground for suspicion and resentment as former allies are turning into political adversaries.

Some have accused student leaders of monopolising the revolutionary narrative, highlighting their role while slighting the contributions of their peers. This perception is both politically damaging and historically contentious. The apparent, initial exclusion of private university students from the central committee of the recently formed student organisation Bangladesh Gonotantrik Chhatra Sangsad (BGCS) strengthened this perception, leading to scuffles between these students and BGCS supporters at the DU campus on Wednesday. Although later developments somewhat cleared the air, with the disclosure of the full 205-member committee including private university representation, the damage was already done. One hopes that, with time, these young leaders will have the maturity to adopt an inclusive narrative that recognises the contributions of all factions.

The new party will also have to respond to the grapevines that whisper conspiracy. The party will have to come clean about its funding source, especially after allegations about the paid agency of overseas actors or covert operatives of rightist political parties. We need a proper distance from the event to understand whether the revolutionary zeal of NCP was organically homegrown or strategically manufactured. The challenge for NCP is to prove that they are not a beneficiary of political crises or even conspiracies, but a transformative force advocating for the people’s mandate.

I don’t want to discourage our young revolutionaries. They need time to strike roots and sprout shoots before they bloom and yield fruits. But if the maturity of their fruits is rushed chemically and artificially, their party is unlikely to be acceptable and sustainable in the long run. The party’s high moral ground has already been tainted by some allegations of corruption and violence. Some of the accusations are likely political smears, while others seem genuine enough to raise concerns. For credibility’s sake, the party must come clean, championing transparency and due diligence, and restore public trust.

Let’s not forget: the NCP holds huge potential. Like the student-led movements of 1952, 1966, 1969, 1990, and 2018, the NCP’s youthful leadership promises to offer an alternative to the entrenched political dynasties that have controlled our politics for decades. Their idea of anti-discrimination resonates with a generation that is logged onto social media and globalised interfaces. Then again, whether the Gen Z will be patient enough to work closely with other generations is a point to ponder. We already see the impatience and arrogance that have alienated some of the leaders. This is a generation that grew up with fast internet, instant food, instant messaging, and instant access to the information galaxy. They demand quick results and are notoriously unforgiving. They need to learn to deal with others with mutual respect.

To stay relevant, the party’s manifesto must prioritise the country’s expected demographic dividend. This involves the transformation of youthful energy into economic productivity. We need education reform, vocational training, and digital literacy not only to fulfil their promise of equality and opportunity but also to solidify their support base among the youth.

To become a credible political force, the new party must learn from historical precedents and strategically address ideological rifts, corruption allegations, and political hostilities. Ultimately, the legacy of the new party will be determined by the nation it purports or helps to build, not by the regime it has overthrown. The country awaits a leadership that has integrity, vision, and inclusivity to change the course of Bangladeshi politics. Even if they don’t succeed, at least they will have some exciting stories to share with their grandchildren about the time they nearly changed Bangladesh.

Dr Shamsad Mortuza is professor of English at Dhaka University.