It was ZA Bhutto whose machinations were behind the brutal genocide in Bangladesh. Even before the blood had dried on his hands, Bhutto wanted to form a confederation with Bangladesh. But Bangabandhu gave him a befitting reply.
Yahya had left Dhaka on the evening of March 25, 1971 after giving the nod for Operation Searchlight that started the genocide in Bangladesh but Bhutto had stayed on and “slept” in his room throughout the night. “Pakistan has been saved” was his comment to the press. Did he realise the magnitude of the ruthless monstrosity he had unleashed on the millions of unarmed civilians? Did the blood of three million Bangalis mean anything to Bhutto? Did the trail of death and destruction, tears and lamentations affect him in anyway? Apparently not as Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the villain behind the breakup of Pakistan and the political mastermind of genocide in 1971 had come up with a ludicrous proposal even before the blood of the martyrs had dried on the soil of Bangladesh.
He wanted Pakistan and Bangladesh united again into one Pakistan!
Four days into Bangladesh’s birth and Pakistan’s humiliating defeat, Bhutto took over power in a coup and then in an address to the nation on December 20 said Pakistan should be united with its “east wing” meaning Bangladesh.
In his address, Bhutto said he was prepared to open negotiations with leaders of “East Pakistan” for a “loose arrangement to live together.”
But for that, he put forward what he called the “first precondition” that all Indian troops should leave “East Pakistan.”
And then he tried his best to make his cynical wish a reality. He actually had the gall to propose to Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, still confined in Pakistan jail, a confederation of “east and west wings.” Bangabandhu of course rejected it.
This man with a twisted thirst for power, who had conspired with the army not to allow Mujib to form government after the 1970 election that eventually led to the brutal war, had actually been in the corridors of power of Pakistan throughout his career. He had his eyes to the top position which he achieved after Pakistan lost the war.
Once the initial shock was over that Pakistan army, often touted as the world’s best professional force, actually had a humiliating defeat in the war, Pakistani citizens came out to protest on the streets, seething in anger.
Just four days into the defeat in Bangladesh, thousands of angry people came out on Pakistan streets on December 20 with the demand to “hang the traitors” meaning, the defeated army generals.
At the same time rancour ran high within the military itself.
General AAK Niazi, who had surrendered to the Joint Forces on December 16 in Dhaka, wrote: “The Nation, ill-prepared for the shock, was stupefied. Its expectations were fragmented and its pride scarred. Tempers ran high and sentiment reached fever-pitch. The masses were restless. Their anger had to be cooled.”
The generals started bickering with each other. “General Hamid is shouted at by the officers led by Brigadier Fazal-e-Raziq Khan, close associate of General Gul Hassan, when General Hamid tries to address officers at GHQ and tries to explain the reasons for the defeat,” writes Niazi.
It was clear that Yahya had to go. The question was who was to take over next.
So top generals met at Lt Gen Gul Hassan’s house. Hassan was the PSO of Yahya during the 1971 war.
Others present there were major general Shaukat Riza, who was sent back from East Pakistan on grounds of inefficiency, air marshal Rahim who was also blamed for failure to counter attack Indian air force jets, Shakir Ullah Durrani, and Lt-Col Nasir Ullah.
Canny Bhutto had been waiting in the wings in Rome just for an opportunity to capture power. He knew after the 1971 war debacle the military would want a civilian president to divert people’s wrath.
Durrani proposed the name of Asghar Khan, former air chief turned politician, to take over from Yahya.
“But Gul Hassan and Rahim objected, and it was decided that power should be given to Bhutto,” writes Niazi.
On December 20, as Gul Hassan’s group went to Yahya’s house to force him to resign at gunpoint, air marshal Rahim took off in a fighter plane and started buzzing the President’s House to intimidate him into resignation.
After Yahya’s resignation, Bhutto flew in, took over power and rewarded Gul Hassan by making him the army chief. And then he rolled out his plan B–confederation with Bangladesh.
Immediately after taking over, Bhutto, in an address to the nation on December 20, said that “he was prepared for negotiations with Bangladesh.”
Bangabandhu was still in prison, staring in the face of death. He did not know about the developments in Bangladesh. Then one night a police officer came and took Mujib out of jail to a bungalow where he was confined for the next two days.
Suddenly on December 26, he was put on a helicopter and flown out of Rawalpindi to another bungalow, British writer and historian Robert Payne writes in his book “Massacre.”
The next day Bhutto came to see Bangabandhu. A smiling Bhutto announced that he was now the president of Pakistan.
He then put forward a most preposterous proposal. He wanted to have a written agreement on restoring relation between Pakistan and Bangladesh. He kept on insisting that Pakistan must remain united.
Bangabandhu said he would not agree to anything without discussion with his people, Payne mentions, and for this he needed to return to Bangladesh.
Bhutto then staged a well-orchestrated show before releasing Bangabandhu. Some 90 thousand Pakistani soldiers, who had surrendered at Dhaka, were being held in India as prisoners of war (POWs) and there was tremendous pressure on Bhutto from the army to bring the POWs back. Bhutto knew it was not possible without the release of Mujib.
So he held a rally in Karachi on January 3 and asked the rally’s opinion on whether Mujib should be freed. He got a massive “yes” reply.
On January 8, Mujib was released. Bhutto offered him $50 thousand as “pocket money” which Bangabandhu declined.
But before his release Bhutto had another talk with Mujib, Payne writes.
According to the British historian, Bhutto argued that Bangladesh and Pakistan are basically one nation and so they cannot stay as two entities. He said the existence might not be as in the previous form but that it could be recognisable as East and West Pakistan.
He also proposed that many more discussions may take place on the issue and mentioned that the Shah of Iran had actually offered a palace in Tehran to have the talks. As an alternative, they could meet in Switzerland.
Bhutto’s last desperate plea was: “Will you help me form a united and undivided Pakistan?”
Bangabandhu remained silent.
When Mujib got on the plane, Bhutto came to see him. He still harboured the delusion that Bangladesh was not a viable country and would again become one with Pakistan.
But when he reached Dhaka, Bangabandhu gave a fitting reply to Bhutto’s delusion on January 10 from a rally at the Race Course.
“You be happy. We are no more with you. Bangladesh has won its freedom. Bangalis will not lose its freedom again. We wish you all the best. We are a free nation. You stay as a free nation too.”
Source: The Daily Star
