Is This the Beginning of the End of Sheikh Hasina’s Rule?

Student protests against quotas in Bangladeshi government jobs have escalated into a nationwide anti-Hasina movement.

Is This the Beginning of the End of Sheikh Hasina’s Rule?
Students clash with police during a protest over the quota system in public service, in Dhaka, Bangladesh, Friday, July 19, 2024.Credit: AP Photo/Rajib Dhar

What began as student demonstrations for quota reform in government jobs has rapidly escalated into a nationwide uprising in Bangladesh, a widespread call for Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s resignation. This unrest, triggered by the prime minister’s casual remarks about protesters being “the families of collaborators [razakars] during the liberation war,” has plunged Bangladesh into its most severe political crisis in years.Despite a Supreme Court ruling on July 21 that largely met the protesters’ demands by ordering a reduction in quotas, student leaders have pledged to continue their protests until all nine of their demands, including the banning of the Bangladesh Chatra League (BCL), the student arm of the ruling Awami League, from all campuses, are met.

Reports from the ground, though difficult to verify due to a communications shutdown, indicate significant casualties between July 18 and 21. Medical sources report the use of live ammunition against protesters, rather than rubber bullets, highlighting the government’s determination to crush the protests through violence. Daily death tolls are estimated between 30 to 51 in Dhaka and nearby cities, with no information available about the situation elsewhere.

Unprecedented images and videos showing police helicopters firing on the ground and scenes of widespread violence have emerged, prompting the global Bangladeshi diaspora to take action. Diaspora communities have staged demonstrations in major cities worldwide, from the UAE to Berlin to New York, calling for Hasina’s resignation.

Hasina’s administration has long projected an image of development, stability, and order, maintained through force and intimidation. However, this tight grip on power is weakening.

The BCL known for its repressive tactics on university campuses, has been humiliated and ejected by students from multiple student halls. The government’s attempts to regain control through violent attacks on students have backfired, spreading the violence each day and spurring moral outrage over the killing of innocent students. More groups with no interest in public service jobs, including madrassa and private university students, are joining the protests.

Following the deaths of hundreds of students since July 18, including many from elite urban families, the narrative among the educated elite could also be shifting. Previously indifferent to protests led by the opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), this section may change its stance if the brutality continues.

Hasina’s government, which has maintained power through three consecutive elections widely criticized as rigged, now faces a critical juncture. Its unpopularity, long masked by repression and fear, has been starkly exposed. What began as a movement focused on quota reform has evolved into a reflection of deep-seated societal discontent.

The protests appear to have shattered the climate of fear that has long pervaded Bangladesh’s political landscape. Remarkably, Bangladeshis both at home and abroad are now openly calling for Hasina to step down – a demand that would have been unthinkable just a week ago.

The Student Alliance of Bangladesh, an umbrella body of various student associations in universities across Western countries, has put forward a five-point list of demands. This includes the immediate resignation of Hasina and all members of the cabinet, as well as the dissolution of the current parliament.

Social media is awash with memes, slogans, and even songs demanding the prime minister’s resignation, demonstrating a sudden and dramatic shift in public sentiment.

This unprecedented outpouring of dissent, ranging from street protests to digital activism, signals a significant erosion of the government’s control over public discourse. The rapid spread of anti-government sentiment, even among the diaspora, underscores the depth and breadth of frustration with Hasina’s rule. As the movement gains momentum, it challenges not just specific policies but the very legitimacy of the current administration.

There is a palpable sense that Bangladesh has reached a point of no return. The government’s violent response against innocent students and the humiliating ejection of the BCL from university campuses have catalyzed a shift in public consciousness. The country cannot return to its old ways for several reasons.

The first is the fear of reprisal. There’s a widespread belief that if the situation normalizes, the government will ruthlessly pursue and punish every protester as it did in 2018, during the first quota reform movement. This fear is driving many to view the current uprising as their last stand.

Second, protesters argue that the issue transcends mere percentages in government jobs. They see it as a struggle to restore equality, freedom, and democracy.

Third, there’s a growing realization that the BNP, the main opposition party, is unable to mount any significant political challenge against this authoritarian regime. This has led many to believe that taking up “the mantle of resistance” is their only recourse.

With 41 percent youth unemployment, rampant corruption and money laundering by Sheikh Hasina’s inner circle, and heavy-handed suppression of dissent, Bangladesh was a powder keg ready to explode. Given the country’s history of uprisings, it was only a matter of time before a spark ignited the flames of rebellion. That  moment now appears to have arrived.

While the carefully managed information flow makes it difficult to confirm, indications suggest clashes may have diminished on July 21 following the Supreme Court verdict. However, with a strict curfew and shoot-at-sight orders in place, coupled with a complete internet and telecommunications shutdown, the accuracy of this narrative is questionable. The internet blackout raises alarming concerns about the extent of repression and torture being used to quash the protests.

A critical question looms: Will the country see a resurgence of the massive uprising of July 18-19? Or will it descend into prolonged street battles and resistance, potentially crippling the economy and disrupting daily life once the curfew ends and the internet blockade is lifted?

Bangladesh’s carefully constructed narrative of economic progress lies in tatters, undermined by a two-year financial crisis. The situation has been further exacerbated by China’s refusal to extend a crucial $5 billion loan, leaving the country struggling to import fuel and maintain its vital garment industry. The looming threat of remittance withdrawals by overseas workers aligning with the resistance fighters adds another layer of uncertainty to the nation’s economic situation.

This year’s election, boycotted by the BNP, initially appeared to cement Hasina’s fear-based grip on power. However, that grip is now visibly loosening as the long-suppressed populace finds its voice. The facade of stability that the government has long maintained is cracking, revealing a deep discontent.

This unfolding crisis represents more than just a political upheaval; it is a potential watershed moment in Bangladesh’s history. The outcome of this conflict could reshape the nation’s political, economic, and social landscape for years to come, with implications that extend far beyond its borders.

Zia Hassan

Zia Hassan, an economist and political analyst, has published extensively on South Asian politics and economics in Al Jazeera, The Straits Times, The Hindu, and Scroll.in. His recent book, “Mirage of Development” (Unnayan Bivram), was banned by the Bangladeshi authorities.
Follow him on X @ziahassanrupu2

1 COMMENT

  1. Unfortunately no. The deployment of the Army, which has also become a total stooge/puppet of the regime has totally dispersed the students all over the country, and with the internet blackout, they have lost complete ability to communicate, give directions/orders, etc. and hence has completely lost the ability to organize/demonstrate. The questions now are: (1) what alternatives do they have to organize/communicate (pigeons?), and (2) How long can the govt keep the Army on the streets before they have to return to barracks (for a host of reasons, e.g., discontent in rank and file, logistics of keeping lakhs of soldiers in scatterred places all over the country, providing them food, shelter, etc). What can the protesters do? (1) Try to establish communication with the army rank-and-file and their families and win them over, (2) localize protests in areas where the army presence is absent or low, (3) wait it out until the army goes back to the barracks. Time is on their side, but not the army – they cannot be on the streets forever.

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