Depoliticisation of Qawmi teachers and students

Amidst lingering tensions between the government and Hefazat-e-Islam, the combined Islamic education board of Qawmi madrasas has decided that teachers and students of the Qawmi madrasas will stay away from all sorts of political activities. The board is reportedly under pressure to distance itself from Hefazat leaders who have had links to last month’s three-day mayhem over the Indian prime minister’s visit that had left at least 17 people dead. The decision, thus, can be seen as part of ongoing countermeasures against the Islamist group, which still enjoys support from a large section of the Qawmi madrasa community. But several questions come up: can a decision like this be executed given the lack of a central oversight mechanism? And, most importantly, will it address the bigger issues of radicalism?

The government-recognised combined board, Al Hayatul Ulaya Lil Jamiatul Qaumia, is formed by the representatives of six Qawmi madrasa education boards. It organises the central examinations for Qawmi madrasas and issues certificates. Beyond that, it holds little sway over how the thousands of Qawmi madrasas in the country are run. Although the government now recognises the Qawmi degree, there is no oversight of the Qawmi curriculum. No authorisation is needed to form a Qawmi madrasa. In essence, the government has no control whatsoever over these institutions and their activities. It is because of this lack of central oversight and efforts to mainstream madrasa education through necessary reforms that some politically ambitious leaders of Qawmi madrasas have been able to exploit the feelings of vulnerability among the students and teachers. The radicalisation problem in the country can also be linked to this situation.

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Any move to depoliticise this community without addressing the core issues of oversight and reforms is basically tantamount to fiddling around the upper foliage of a problem rather than the problem itself. On the contrary, it may have the unintended effects of increasing the feelings of neglect and vulnerability among the students and teachers, leading to further chaos.

While the depoliticisation policy may seem like a timely move given the destructive influence of Hefazat, it is neither enough nor is it very practical. As if to validate our concern, the Hefazat leadership has formed a convening committee shortly after dissolving its central committee. It will likely continue to attract the support of madrasa students and teachers, although its tactics will change under the current circumstances. So instead of supporting such short-sighted measures, the government should go for wider reforms in the Qawmi madrasa system in consultation with its teachers and students, without compromising the core character of its education. Only then can it nullify the threats of radicalism for good.