The Daily Star
Last update on: Mon Mar 24, 2025 12:09 PM
The popular uprising that led to the downfall of the former regime has left law and order in a state of decline. Reports indicate an increase in mob violence, extortion, and the rise of unruly factions. The police force, previously aligned with the regime, largely withdrew from its duties following the uprising as a result of widespread public resentment and retaliatory actions against law enforcement personnel.
The key challenge now is how to restore the police force’s effectiveness while also exploring alternative measures to address the law enforcement gap.
Public dissatisfaction and fear of retribution have prevented many police officers from returning to duty, particularly those who were directly involved in state-led repression. The first step in addressing this crisis is to rebuild police confidence by ensuring that law-abiding officers are not held accountable for the actions of a few.
Direct engagement with the police force is essential for restoring morale and encouraging participation. Organising interactive, day-long workshops at all sub-district police stations and district headquarters—attended by senior officials, political leaders, and representatives of professional bodies and the community—can facilitate dialogue, provide a platform for police personnel to express concerns, and foster trust between law enforcement and the public.
Historically, rural Bangladesh has relied on self-organised crime prevention mechanisms. Chowkidars (watchmen) patrolled villages, with residents often taking turns to monitor security. This informal system, rooted in communal responsibility, ensured safety in areas with limited police presence.
Over time, modern governance has weakened these traditional structures. However, the concept of community-based defence remains deeply ingrained in our culture. Following August 5, citizens quickly mobilised to protect their neighbourhoods, including guarding Hindu temples during Durga Puja to prevent attacks. This underscores the untapped potential of community-driven security initiatives. Strengthening these efforts through structured programmes can help bridge the law enforcement gap.
Community policing and civilian-led defence strategies are not merely theoretical—they have been successfully implemented in countries like the US, UK, and Australia. International examples from conflict zones further illustrate their effectiveness. During Egypt’s 2011 revolution, police abandonment led to the emergence of “popular committees,” volunteer neighbourhood watch groups that stepped in to prevent looting. Similarly, in Nigeria, the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) mobilised over 26,000 community members to assist the military against Boko Haram, providing intelligence and securing towns.
In Bangladesh, when the regular police force collapsed, Ansar units safeguarded key sites, including police stations, traffic junctions, and Dhaka’s international airport. In rural areas, VDP volunteers protected religious minorities from communal violence. Additionally, student-led community networks played a crucial role in maintaining order, stepping in as traffic controllers and night patrols to prevent looting.
These civic initiatives underscore that, with proper motivation and organisation, community members can effectively uphold basic law and order, at least temporarily, preventing anarchy in times of instability. They highlight how community-driven security efforts can reduce crime, protect neighbourhoods, and support overstretched official forces. By leveraging local knowledge and trust, these initiatives respond swiftly and adaptively to security threats at the grassroots level.
In Bangladesh, community policing structures exist but remain largely ineffective due to insufficient government support. The Gram Police Act of 2006 integrated Chowkidars into the Union Parishad as Gram Police, yet their role has been limited by inadequate resources and oversight. In contrast, the Ansar and Village Defence Party (VDP)—a well-trained paramilitary force specialising in both urban and rural security—has proven its effectiveness during crises.
A community-driven law enforcement strategy can benefit all key institutions if properly structured. The police, seeking to restore public trust, can enhance their legitimacy through community partnerships. Ansar-VDP, already embedded in local communities, is eager for greater empowerment. The military supports any initiative that stabilises the nation without requiring prolonged deployment. Coordinating their roles—police providing legal oversight, Ansar-VDP handling grassroots security, and the military serving as an emergency strike force—will be essential.
To ensure smooth collaboration, the interim government must clearly define responsibilities—community volunteers and Ansar-VDP should manage neighbourhood watch and basic security, the police should focus on investigations and enforcement, and the military should remain on standby for exceptional threats. Currently, the military is engaged in routine patrols and guard duties—tasks that do not require specialised training and risk overextending personnel. A more effective approach would delegate these duties to civil defence units, allowing the military to focus on rapid-response operations.
Formation of civil defence units: Comprising Village Police, VDP, BNCC, and local volunteers, these units can be stationed in key areas like markets and residential neighbourhoods.
Regular patrolling: Lightly armed Ansar and police personnel can conduct patrols along highways and transport routes to deter crime and ensure safe passage.
Rapid response teams: Military units, special police forces, and armed Ansar battalions can be positioned strategically to intervene swiftly based on intelligence from patrol teams.
This multi-layered security model would restore stability, enhance public confidence, and reduce the military’s burden, allowing it to focus on strategic operations rather than routine law enforcement. This clarity will prevent inter-agency friction and ensure institutional support.
Bangladesh’s deeply polarised political landscape presents a major challenge. Political factions may oppose community policing, fearing it could be leveraged against them. Additionally, there is a risk that local political groups could exploit community defence forces to target rivals under the pretext of security. Maintaining strict non-partisanship through transparent oversight and independent monitoring is crucial to preventing the formation of party-affiliated militias.
Globally, civilian involvement in law enforcement has sometimes resulted in mob justice. For instance, Nigeria’s CJTF, despite its effectiveness, faced allegations of extrajudicial killings and abuse of power. Continuous monitoring, strict regulations, and immediate enforcement are essential. Community initiatives must be closely supervised, and any misconduct should be swiftly addressed through transparent reporting. The media plays a crucial role in documenting and exposing violations to ensure accountability.
For this strategy to succeed, widespread community involvement and backing from non-partisan civil organisations are vital. A well-organised civil defence system can help restore law and order, enhance public safety, and promote collaboration between law enforcement and local communities. A community-driven security model is not merely a necessity but an opportunity to create a more accountable, transparent, and effective law enforcement system that serves the people. It can be equally effective during peacetime, times of crisis, and electoral periods.
Saifur Rahman is a senior IT specialist and certified professional.
Views expressed in this article are the author’s own.
