By Ghulam Suhrawardi
The rapidly tightening embrace between India and Israel is not simply about trade, defense cooperation, or foreign investment. It represents something more profound and troubling: the convergence of two exclusionary nationalist ideologies — Hindutva in India and Zionism in Israel — that critics argue are fueling anti-Muslim violence, authoritarian politics, and impunity for human rights violations.
To understand the dangers of this partnership, one must look beyond diplomatic press releases and economic figures. What emerges is a pattern of shared strategies, mutual reinforcement, and ideological kinship that threatens millions of marginalized people — particularly Muslims in both countries — while eroding international norms of justice and accountability.
Historical Convergence of Hindutva and Zionism
The roots of this partnership stretch back to the early 20th century, when Hindu nationalist thinkers began expressing admiration for the Zionist project in Palestine. Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, considered the founding father of Hindutva, openly celebrated Zionism as a model for Hindu nationalism. For Savarkar and others, the Zionist dream of a Jewish state in Palestine was parallel to their own dream of a Hindu nation in South Asia.
This admiration was not accidental. Both movements were products of an era marked by authoritarian ideologies, including fascism and Nazism. The paradox is striking: although Hitler’s Germany unleashed a genocide against Jews, his authoritarian strategies and racial hierarchies resonated with Hindutva ideologues. To this day, Mein Kampf is widely available in Indian bookstores, a best-seller among readers who see it as a guide to strong leadership.
In both Hindutva and Zionism, critics see the same underlying logic: defining the nation in narrow ethno-religious terms, and portraying minorities — particularly Muslims — as threats to national survival.
Strategic and Military Bond
Over the last three decades, India and Israel have steadily deepened their military cooperation. India is now Israel’s largest defense customer, having purchased nearly $2.9 billion in weapons and military technology in the past decade. Israeli drones, missile systems, and surveillance tools — many of them marketed as “battle-tested” on Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank — are routinely exported to India.
In Kashmir, these weapons become instruments of control against a population that has long lived under occupation. Conversely, India’s growing weapons manufacturing base provides Israel with industrial capacity and market expansion. This symbiotic relationship ensures that repression is not merely a byproduct but a key commodity.
The symbolism of this cooperation cannot be ignored. Weapons tested on Palestinians resisting occupation are redeployed against Kashmiris, while Indian manufacturing helps Israel maintain its military edge. The cycle is one of mutual reinforcement, where both governments learn from each other’s tactics and legitimize each other’s actions.
The 2025 Investment Protection Deal
On July 8, 2025, India and Israel finalized a bilateral investment protection deal. At first glance, such agreements appear to be about promoting business confidence. But critics argue this one is more about shielding each other from accountability than about economics.
The timing is telling. Israel, facing international condemnation for its devastating campaigns in Gaza, is increasingly isolated in global markets. India, meanwhile, faces mounting criticism for its treatment of minorities and democratic backsliding under the Modi government. The deal offers both governments a veneer of legitimacy and a mechanism to protect investments even if international sanctions or boycotts are imposed.
Human rights experts warn that the agreement effectively provides impunity. It allows both states to continue policies of occupation, dispossession, and systemic discrimination while presenting the partnership as an investment relationship. Far from promoting development, it entrenches practices that critics describe as violations of international law.
Rising Hate Crimes in India
The consequences of these ideological and strategic alignments are not abstract. They manifest in the daily lives of India’s minorities, particularly its 200 million Muslims.
Between June 2024 and June 2025, the Association for Protection of Civil Rights (APCR) and the Quill Foundation documented 947 incidents of hate-related crimes and hate speech. Of these, 602 were hate crimes, including 173 incidents of physical violence, and 25 that resulted in the deaths of Muslim victims. Another 345 incidents involved hate speech, with nearly half linked to individuals affiliated with the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) or its allied groups.
The India Hate Lab found a 74 percent increase in hate speech events in 2024 compared to the previous year. Muslims were the primary targets, though Christians were also attacked in mob violence that affected more than 1,500 people. The highest number of incidents occurred in states governed by the BJP, reflecting a troubling correlation between political power and majoritarian aggression.
Echoes of Gaza in Kashmir
The parallels between Gaza and Kashmir are hard to ignore. Both regions are heavily militarized. Both populations live under conditions of surveillance, curfews, and restricted movement. And in both cases, demolitions of homes and businesses are used as tools of intimidation.
In Gaza, Israel justifies demolitions by citing the lack of building permits — permits that Palestinians can almost never obtain. In Kashmir and other parts of India, authorities use the pretext of “illegal encroachment” to bulldoze Muslim homes and businesses. Critics, including Amnesty International, describe these demolitions as collective punishment.
The visual symmetry is striking: bulldozers razing Muslim neighborhoods in India mirror images of Israeli bulldozers demolishing Palestinian homes. In both cases, the message is clear — dissent and resistance will be met with dispossession.
The Muslim Experience in India
For India’s Muslims, the pressures are mounting. Prominent figures in the Hindu right openly deny their equality. In a 2020 interview with VICE News, BJP politician Subramanian Swamy argued that if the Muslim population in any country exceeds 30 percent, that country is “in danger.” He insisted that Muslims do not fall into the “equal category” of citizens.
Journalist Rana Ayyub has described the climate as a dystopia. She speaks of constant surveillance, harassment, and the need for Muslims to prove their loyalty. Her accounts of death threats, frozen bank accounts, and travel bans illustrate the shrinking space for dissent.
Economic boycotts add another layer of marginalization. Calls to shun Muslim businesses, often tied to conspiracy theories such as “love jihad” or “spit jihad,” have gained traction. In several states, homes and shops have been demolished as punishment for alleged crimes or protest participation. Although the Supreme Court has ruled such demolitions unconstitutional, the practice persists, reinforcing the sense that Muslims exist outside the protection of law.
Shared Rhetoric and Ideological Kinship
The language deployed by Hindu nationalists and Zionists often overlaps. Palestinians and Muslims are described as “animals” or “terrorists,” categories stripped of humanity and rights. The dehumanization justifies extraordinary measures — from bombings in Gaza to lynchings in Indian villages.
The admiration for Nazi Germany in Hindutva circles highlights another layer of ideological kinship. The founders of Hindutva openly suggested that Hindus should treat Muslims the way Nazis treated Jews. This chilling invocation was echoed in the rise of Narendra Modi, who was accused of complicity in the 2002 Gujarat riots when he served as Chief Minister.
Today, the slaughter of Palestinians inspires Hindu extremists to replicate similar horrors against India’s minorities. The global stage thus becomes a mirror, where repression in one context fuels repression in another.
Conclusion
India and Israel present themselves as modern democracies bound by shared values and common threats. But the reality, critics argue, is far darker. Their alliance is built on exclusion — of Muslims, of dissenters, of international law.
For Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank, and for Kashmiris under occupation, the consequences are devastating. For India’s 200 million Muslims and its shrinking civil society, the future feels increasingly precarious. And for the international community, the India–Israel partnership raises urgent questions: will authoritarian alliances be allowed to thrive unchecked, or will the world confront the dangers of ideologies that normalize hate and weaponize religion?
The stakes are high. At issue is not only the survival of vulnerable communities but also the credibility of democracy, pluralism, and human rights in a world where exclusion is fast becoming the currency of power.
The author is the publisher of South Asia Journal