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Can journalists evade responsibility for the July-August massacre

The police and law enforcement officers also know how much injustice and criminal acts they committed
The police and law enforcement officers also know how much injustice and criminal acts they committedPhoto: Prothom Alo

We have seen many videos of the July-August killings and brutality on various news and social media platforms. Some of these videos show such extreme cruelty that they are unbearable to watch. While watching these videos, many people have covered their eyes and wept. Along with the police, goons from the political party also involved in these crimes. A documentary showing police brutality during the mass uprising was recently aired on various Bangladeshi news outlets. The film was created by an international organisation named International Truth and Justice, and it is being shown on international media as well.

The documentary provides a factual record of what happened in front of the Jatrabari police station in just about an hour and a half before Sheikh Hasina fled. It is said that the footage collected from various people, after thorough scrutiny, was used to create the film. The film depicts how the police indiscriminately fired on the students and civilians.

Such events have taken place in many parts of the country. Many are certainly collecting and verifying these videos. We hope to see more new documentaries on the July-August massacres in the future. Video footage is being gathered as evidence for the trial of the July-August genocide. The chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, Tajul Islam, has confirmed that numerous digital evidence has been collected.

The police and law enforcement officers also know how much injustice and criminal acts they committed under the direction of the Awami League government and some police officers who became part of the party’s cadre. This is why many members of the police force fled from every police station across the country. Recently, both the police and Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) chiefs apologized to the people of the country for their role in the mass uprising.

In the last 16 years, many media outlets in Bangladesh were created with the support of the fallen government. Some even beginning their journalistic careers in this “tame” media environment. Despite the challenges, some journalists have continued practicing honest and courageous journalism.

However, it seems that the Awami League leadership, who are primarily responsible for the July-August massacres, have not yet shown any remorse. Many members of the fallen Awami League government, their affiliates, and their partners in looting have been arrested, while others are either in hiding within the country or abroad. Those who are abroad have started speaking out through various channels. But from them, we hear no apologies, let alone remorse, for the hundreds of people killed. Who knows how these videos and evidence of murders affect their conscience! Research or psychoanalysis could be conducted to understand their mindset.

There is no precedent for the political leadership in Bangladesh to apologize for mistakes, wrongdoings, or injustices. Jamaat-e-Islami did not apologize to the nation for its role in 1971. It is clear that the Awami League is following the same path—they will not apologize and will continue to justify their crimes. Efforts are underway to bring those involved in the July-August genocide to justice. It is likely that the political leadership and law enforcement personnel directly involved in the genocide will be brought to trial. However, how much and to what extent this can be ensured remains to be seen in the future.

As a journalist, many people ask me whether the media and journalists have played a significant role in the establishment of fascism in the country. They ask, does the media have any responsibility for the genocide that occurred?

There is no problem to admit that over the past 16 years, a large section of the media and journalists played an active role in establishing the regime in the country. They worked without hesitation to create consent for this regime. In exchange for doing so, they received benefits from the government, established businesses, and made money through lobbying and trades. Over time, they became part of the power structure. To maintain this power, they even went so far as to silence those who tried to practice professional and courageous journalism.

During the genocide, these journalists continued their role. When the police were aggressive and killing people indiscriminately, they still appeared at the power center with full support. Here’s an example: Abu Saeed was killed by the police gunfire on 16 July, and on 24 July, ‘top journalists’ from the country met with Sheikh Hasina. They demanded that no criminal be spared in the nationwide “sabotage and brutality”. These journalists also assured that they were with Sheikh Hasina and ready to do anything necessary for her.

Didn’t they help Sheikh Hasina maintain the morale to continue the genocide? How can they evade responsibility?

Many of us know about the Rwandan genocide. In this genocide, which began on 7 April 1994, almost 1 million people were killed over 100 days by the majority Hutus, most of whom were from the minority Tutsi community. The media played a significant role in inciting and prolonging this violence. One of the initiatives taken by the Hutu extremists before the genocide was the establishment of a radio station. The radio station, known as RTLM, spread hatred against the Tutsis and prepared the ground for violence. A newspaper called Kangura collaborated with this radio station.

Many studies and analyses have been conducted on the role of media in the Rwandan genocide. It has been found that the radio, led by Hutu extremists, encouraged the killing of Tutsis and justified the massacre. The station promoted the idea that it was crucial to kill Tutsis as part of self-defense. According to researcher, war correspondent, and diplomat Samantha Power, many of the people involved in the Tutsi killings were holding machetes in one hand and radios in the other.

Another analyst, Mel McNulty, identified the radio (RTLM) as an accomplice in the genocide. He said that the radio’s propaganda created a situation where the Hutus believed that killing the Tutsis was essential for their survival. According to global human rights organisation Article 19, RTLM was a clear tool for carrying out the genocide.

In 2003, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda convicted RTLM radio co-founder Ferdinand Nahimana, executive director Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza, and editor of Kangura newspaper Hassan Ngeze for inciting hatred. The tribunal classified the hate broadcasts and newspaper articles as crimes against humanity.

What lessons can we learn from the Rwandan experience?

In the last 16 years, many media outlets in Bangladesh were created with the support of the fallen government. Some even beginning their journalistic careers in this “tame” media environment. Despite the challenges, some journalists have continued practicing honest and courageous journalism.

With the fall of fascism through a blood-shed mass uprising, new expectations have been placed on the media. But will the media and journalism in the country be able to break free from the practices of “tame journalism” developed over the past 16 years?

To bring about change, it is important to identify the strategies used over the past 16 years to confine the media and turn journalists into tame operatives. Based on the Rwandan experience, the issue of journalists’ responsibility for the July-August genocide needs to be resolved. Media reform could be achieved by addressing this issue.

source : prothom alo 

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