TBS
Not long ago, the streets of Bangladesh shook with the united footsteps of people demanding change. The July Uprising of 2024 had ignited a rare spark of unity across the nation.
Old and young, rural and urban, the masses stood together not merely against a regime, but in search of something better, a future shaped by dignity, transparency and political decency.
Today, less than a year later, that dream is quietly yet quickly dissolving.
Political discourse, for a brief moment envisioned to be rooted in mutual respect and accountability, has now turned back into the all-too-familiar territory of toxic blame games, character assassinations, and intra-opposition vendettas.
Political analyst and researcher Altaf Parvez says, “We’ve already gone back to the old political culture. Take what just happened in Gopalganj and Cox’s Bazar; this is exactly the old culture. And it will probably intensify, violence will increase even more. This is clearly a return to the old ways.”
Obscene and indecent language is being used against political leaders. This is deeply regrettable. Social media is now flooded with vulgarity. Such mudslinging can create the perfect ground for the return of a fallen dictatorship.
The death of five people in Gopalganj is a grim reminder of what happens when the state fails to mediate political tensions. National Citizen Party (NCP) leaders were arrogant in holding a rally in Gopalganj, and supporters of the banned Awami League vowed to resist.
The result? Bloodshed. The government imposed Section 144, but only after violence erupted. Not a moment before.
“There’s action to be taken here, and that responsibility lies with the current government. But when it was needed most, they didn’t do their job. That’s the government’s failure,” Altaf Parvez said.
Meanwhile, on social media and political talk shows, the culture of obscene name-calling has re-emerged. NCP leaders have publicly labelled the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) as a party of extortionists and criminals.
BNP supporters also hurled insults at other parties, threatening to send Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami to Pakistan and Islami Andolon to Afghanistan.
Dr Sabbir Ahmed, professor of Political Science at the University of Dhaka, said, “Obscene and indecent language is being used against political leaders. This is deeply regrettable. Social media is now flooded with vulgarity. Such mudslinging can create the perfect ground for the return of a fallen dictatorship.”
He is not alone in his concern. Many fear that this relentless culture of political vengeance is turning post-uprising Bangladesh into a land of shattered promises and squandered opportunities.
While no party is entirely innocent, most of the blame arguably falls on the interim government, which has failed to contain political violence and protect citizens.
The recent incidents not only shocked the public but also exposed the government’s helplessness in maintaining law and order. Government advisors issue statements, condemn mob violence, and promise action. But the actions never quite match the rhetoric.
“Wherever there’s violence, or if someone is instigating violence, it’s the government’s duty to prevent it. But this government hasn’t been able to do that from the start,” said Altaf Parvez.
The failures are not limited to law and order. The government’s vagueness about the next election has only added to the instability. Though February 2026 has been floated as a tentative election date, the conditions and clauses surrounding that promise are murky at best. As trust erodes, the spectre of political manipulation looms large.
In this toxic landscape, every actor is playing a part. Yet, the government, with its resources and mandate, bears the primary responsibility for creating an environment conducive to peaceful political expression. On this front, it has fallen short.
Counter-narrative from BNP
BNP has found themselves at the centre of allegations, counter-allegations and political smears. But while critics are quick to point fingers, a closer look reveals efforts — albeit imperfect — within the party to course-correct.
In an unprecedented move, the party has expelled more than 4,000 members found to be involved in corruption, extortion or violent activities. Acting Chairman Tarique Rahman has declared a “zero tolerance” stance on internal criminality.
“We do not want to keep any outlaws or criminals in our party. We do not want those who violate party morals and harm society. Those of which we received complaints about, we investigated and took immediate actions against them and banned them,” Tarique Rahman stated in a recent video statement.
The party has also established complaint boxes in districts like Kushtia to receive reports of misconduct. Complaints related to extortion, terrorism or any kind of misconduct can be submitted. The identity of complainants will be kept strictly confidential. If necessary, legal action will be taken against the accused.
Tarique Rahman further clarified the limits of BNP’s authority, “We did our part. We are not the government; we do not run the law enforcement agencies — the government does. They have to take legal action. We are asking them to take legal action against the accused. We welcome that. But why isn’t the government doing anything?”
Altaf Parvez agrees.
“BNP, for its part, is expelling those members who are involved in criminal activities. Not everything can be blamed on the BNP.”
NCP’s role
A further complicating factor in this messy landscape is the role of NCP, whose approach seems to be getting more arrogant and inflammatory every day. Their rhetoric against BNP, Jamaat, and Islami Andolon has often gone beyond the boundaries of constructive political criticism.
In the Cox’s Bazar incident, NCP leaders insisted on carrying out a provocative rally despite resistance from local communities. “This is exactly the old culture. Clashes broke out because the government didn’t play its role,” said Parvez.
Far from being a bridge between opposition groups, NCP has become a lightning rod for division. Their refusal to engage in meaningful dialogue and their provocative style of politics have only worsened the fractures within the opposition.
What’s more alarming is the suspicion that the government has quietly allowed, even encouraged, these divisions to fester to delay elections.
The deterioration in political culture is not just a problem for politicians; it is a national crisis. From the murder of Shohag to the Gopalganj incident, ordinary citizens are paying the price for elite political dysfunction.
Dr Sabbir Ahmed said, “The political parties and forces involved in the 2024 mass movement must seriously reflect on this.” The July Uprising was not just about removing one regime; it was about dismantling a culture of political toxicity. That vision is now in peril.
Political decency is not just a virtue — it is a necessity for democracy. If all parties, including BNP, are not given the space to prove their intent and engage in reform, the hope of a democratic transition will be lost.
As elections approach, the focus must shift from mudslinging to meaningful reform. The government must prove its commitment to law and order — not just in words, but in action. The interim leadership must create conditions that allow all political parties to participate freely and safely.
The July Uprising taught us that people are hungry for change. But change is not a one-day affair, it must be defended every day thereafter. The dream of a new Bangladesh will not be achieved through online insults, political provocations or government inertia.
We’ve come too far to turn back. But if political parties and especially the interim government do not act with urgency and sincerity, the future will mirror the past we tried so hard to escape.